Banana Republicans:
How the Right Wing Is Turning America into a One-Party State
Sheldon Rampton & John Stauber

Want to know how the right took over this country? Banana Republicans gives a great overview. And contrary to what those on the left like to tell themselves, it has nothing to do with having access to cash or being politically homogeneous. Authors Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber—editors of PR Watch and authors of Weapons of Mass Deception, Toxic Sludge Is Good for You and others—point out that progressives "tend to see politics as a debate," while the conservative movement in America sees politics as "a big, long-term war." (Join any Green Party listserv to see the consequences of viewing "politics as debate" in action.) Banana Republicans offers some basic insights to counter the left's tendency to argue where the right organizes, and is an excellent starting point for progressive organizers looking for ways to maximize their movements' effectiveness.

Rampton and Stauber paint a picture of how, over a period of 30-plus years, right-wing visionaries worked deliberately and strategically to create movements able to influence the media, shape public opinion, lobby effectively and become major political players. They tell the tale of behind-the-scenes leaders like Grover Norquist, who for over a decade has held weekly breakfast meetings during which disparate conservative insiders look for common ground upon which they can coordinate.

One of the biggest misperceptions among progressives is that the conservative movement is monolithic. In truth, the right has at least as many schisms and factions as the left. Field marshals like Norquist haven't tried to gloss over these differences. Rather, they look for ways to work with others on the right to advance their particular factions' agendas. "Playing nice" helps their unique causes, while also helping to entrench the right as a whole.

The book quotes Norquist in one telling example:

It's like this. Some of us in the movement want to get to St. Louis, and some of us to Utah, and some to Los Angeles, and some of us want to go all the way to Japan. Bush wants to get to St. Louis. Is there any reason to argue with him about the need to get to LA? Or to get really flaky and say we need to go all the way to Japan? Of course not.

It's hard to think of politicians like George Bush and Dick Cheney as being frustratingly moderate, but that's how many right-wing organizers view them. The difference between the right and the left on this issue is that the far right still busts its hump to put "moderates" into power. "Conservatives have been shrewd about simultaneously organizing a grassroots movement outside the Republican Party at the same time that they work to get people within the party elected," Rampton and Sheldon explain. The strategy has helped right-wingers move their radical causes from the margins to the mainstream. It is but one of many complementary right-wing strategies outlined in the book. Others are the disciplined way in which the right has slowly built its influence over the media by creating think tanks, watchdog groups and independent media outlets, while also investing in scholarships and training programs to help conservative journalism students find jobs inside the mainstream. It has helped the careers of budding young lobbyists, and aggressively nurtured its ranks to participate fully in the electoral system.

One common refrain on the left is that the right has boatloads more money with which to conduct all this work. Rampton and Stauber challenge that defeatist notion by pointing out that the right's financial assets are chump change compared to the billions thrown around each year by liberal and progressive donors. The problem, the authors argue, is that, "progressive funders have devoted themselves primarily to supporting service programs or academic research, while failing to adequately support the public promotion of progressive ideas." When one factors in the weight of corporate PR and conservative churches, the resources of the right may be understated here. But the fact still remains that very little of what the right has accomplished cannot be emulated by the left.

To be sure, the conservative movement also utilizes all varieties of nastiness that the left appropriately steers clear of. Banana Republicans details a number of reprehensible right-wing tactics like censorship, traitor baiting and voter disenfranchisement. It would be unfortunate, however, if these chapters (or the book's title) allowed readers to walk away with the misperception that the right's power comes from underhandedness rather than solid organizing.

This book is must-read material for any progressive with more than a passing interest in winning.

Review by Arthur Stamoulis
12.05.04

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